Thursday, May 08, 2025

Pope Leo XIV

Today, the Sacred College of Cardinals elected His Eminence Robert Cardinal Prevost, hitherto Prefect of the Dicastery for Bishops, as the 267th Pope and bishop of Rome; His Holiness has taken the name Leo XIV. He is the first American Pope, a native of Chicago, Illinois; he became a member of the Order of St Augustine in 1977, and served as the superior general from 2001-13. He then served as apostolic administrator and bishop in the see of Chiclayo in Peru, until his appointment to the Curia.

Let us pray that the new pope will be a good and loving shepherd to all the flock of Christ, and that he will be able to fulfill his duty as pastor of the universal Church with wisdom and fidelity.

Deus, omnium fidelium pastor et rector, fámulum tuum Leónem, quem pastórem Ecclesiae tuae praeesse voluisti, propitius réspice: da ei, quǽsumus, verbo et exemplo, quibus praeest, profícere; ut ad vitam, una cum grege sibi crédito, perveniat sempiternam. Per Christum, Dóminum nostrum. R. Amen.

O God, shepherd and ruler of all the faithful, look mercifully upon Thy servant Leo, whom Thou hast willed to rule over Thy Church as its shepherd; grant him, we ask, to advance in the word and example by which he ruleth, that together with the flock entrusted to him, he may come to everlasting life. Through Christ, our Lord. Amen. (The votive collect for the Pope.)

The Basilica of St Victor in Milan

The church of Milan today celebrates the feast of the martyr St Victor, a Christian soldier from the Roman province of Africa, who was killed in the first year of the persecution of Diocletian, 303 AD, while serving at Milan under the Emperor Maximian. He is usually called “Maurus - the Moor” to distinguish him from the innumerable other Saints called Victor, which was a very common name in the Roman world. St Mirocles, bishop of the city at the time of the Edict of Milan, originally buried the martyr in a small basilica just outside the city walls; in the later part of the 4th century, St Ambrose translated the relics to a chapel built for that purpose, within the basilica where he himself was later buried, and which is now named for him. (This chapel, San Vittore in Ciel d’Oro, contains the famous mosaic portrait of St Ambrose.) In the 9th century, the relics were returned to the original basilica, known as St Victor ‘ad corpus’, and have remained there ever since; they were officially recognized as authentic by the Bl. Schuster in 1941. In the mid-16th century, the church was completely rebuilt by the Olivetan monks who then had charge of it. Once again, our thanks to Nicola for sharing his pictures of one of the many beautiful churches of his city.

The architect Galeazzo Alessi, who had charge of the rebuilding project, intended to build a portico in front, but this was never realized, leaving the upper and lower parts of the façade with this rather disjointed appearance.

The main altar, which contains the relics of St Victor, was consecrated by St Charles Borromeo in 1576, when the rebuilding of the church was almost completed.

The main altar seen from behind, in the monastic choir. (The Olivetans were expelled from the church in 1805, during the Napoleonic suppression of religious houses; it is now a parish.)

The cupola is decorated with figures of the four Evangelists by Daniele Crespi (1598-1630) in the pendentives; eight Sybils by Gugliemo Caccia, known as “Il Monclavo” (1568-1625), in the drum, and eighty Angels in the dome itself, also by Caccia.

In the ceiling of the choir, The Coronation of the Virgin, by Ercole Procaccini the Younger (1605-75.)

The tabernacle of the main altar.

Wednesday, May 07, 2025

The Solemnity of St Joseph, Patron of the Universal Church 2025

From the Encyclical Quamquam pluries of Pope Leo XIII on St Joseph, issued on the feast of the Assumption in 1889. It is providential that the conclave to elect a new pope should begin on this important solemnity; let us remember to count Joseph especially among the Saints to whom we address our prayers for a good outcome of this election.

The special reasons for which St Joseph is held to be Patron of the Church, and for the sake of which the Church has such great confidence in his protection and patronage, are that he was the spouse of Mary, and was reputed the father of Jesus Christ. From this come forth all his dignity, grace, holiness and glory. Certainly, the dignity of the Mother of God is so exalted that nothing can be greater. But nevertheless, since the bond of marriage united Joseph to the most blessed Virgin, there is no doubt but that he attained as no other ever has to that most eminent dignity by which the Mother of God far surpasses all other creatures.

The Holy Family, by Francisco de Zurbarán (1598-1664), 1659, now in the Szépművészeti Múzeum in Budapest.
For marriage is the most intimate of all unions, which by its nature brings with it the sharing of goods between the spouses. Therefore, if God gave Joseph to the Virgin as Her spouse, He certainly gave Her not only Her life’s companion, the witness of Her virginity, the protector of Her honour, but also one who shared in Her sublime dignity by virtue of the conjugal bond. Likewise, he alone stands out among all men with the most august dignity, since he was by the divine counsel the guardian of the Son of God, and among men reputed to be His father. From this, it came about that the Word of God was duly subject to Joseph, obeyed him, and rendered to him all the honor which children must render to their parents. Moreover, from this two-fold dignity followed the duties which nature has laid upon the head of families, so that Joseph became the guardian, the administrator, and defender of the divine house whose head he was. …

St Joseph as Patron of the Catholic Church; this image was used as the header of his feast under that title in liturgical books printed by the German company Frideric Pustet, from the later 19th to mid 20th century. The Papal crests of Popes Bl. Pius IX and Leo XIII are seen to either side of St Peter’s Basilica.
Now the divine house which Joseph ruled with the authority of a father, contained within itself the beginnings of the new-born Church. The most holy Virgin, as the Mother of Jesus Christ, is the mother of all Christians, since She bore them on Mount Calvary amid the dying torments of the Redeemer; and Jesus Christ is, in a manner, the first-born among Christians, who by adoption and the Redemption are His brothers. For these reasons, the most blessed Patriarch looks upon the multitude of Christians who make up the Church as entrusted specially to himself; this innumerable family, spread over all the earth, and over which, because he is the spouse of Mary and the Father of Jesus Christ, he holds, as it were, the authority of a father. It is therefore suitable and especially worthy that, just once as the Blessed Joseph was wont in most holy fashion to protect the family at Nazareth and provide for all its needs, so now he should protect and defend the Church of Christ with his heavenly patronage.

Why the Traditional Mass Should Remain In Latin

In spite of attempts to suppress it, the traditional Latin Mass is here to stay. It may not be as widespread as it was in the halcyon days of Summorum Pontificum, but neither is it exactly hidden under a bushel, as the early Christians were during the Roman persecutions. In many cites, gigantic parishes run by former Ecclesia Dei institutes are packed with faithful every Sunday. No, this is not going away; and the sooner a future pope comes to terms with the reality on the ground, the better off we’ll all be.

Unfortunately, due to the way the internet encourages the spontaneous expression of feelings and ideas (or some mixture of the two), a lot of premature and undercooked opinions tend to be expressed. One of the most frequent proposals I see being floated is this one: “Wouldn’t it be just grand if we could have the TLM in the vernacular? This would kill two birds with one stone: We get the traditional liturgy, but without the language barrier! Everyone would flock to it and the breach between old and new could be healed at last!” Even prominent figures among the Oratorians are not hesitate about expressing this opinion.

An NLM reader once wrote to me:

I have read certain articles of yours in which you treat of the question of introducing the vernacular into the traditional rites in a limited fashion and come out decidedly against it. I myself prefer an entirely Latin liturgy in all respects, lessons included—indeed my daughter’s (old rite) baptism was entirely in Latin, including the godparents’ responses. The only vernacular was the Pater and Credo in the procession to the sanctuary (per custom). I think that there is a certain dissonance in “mixing” languages liturgically, with the obvious exceptions of the Greek Kyrie and various Hebrew words, especially if I am saying “and with your spirit” at one point and “et cum spiritu tuo” at another point. There is an imbalance there that I can’t precisely explain.
       Yet, I was reading Dobszay’s treatment of the issue in which he argues that the introduction of certain vernacular elements alongside, not in place of, the Latin would be highly beneficial for the simple reason that the entirely Latin liturgy is, truly, a stumbling block for many who are otherwise friendly to the tradition. Yes, I understand that man is to be formed into the image of the liturgy, and not vice versa—St. Benedict, after all, urges ut mens concordet voci—that the mind harmonize with the voice—which, in addition to sounding “quaint,” actually is quite radical when compared to the modern emphasis on “authenticity” (wrongly identified with virtual formlessness). And, with the necessary reservations, viz. the Orations, Canon, and silent prayers remaining in Latin, Dobszay nevertheless suggests the possibility of not only the lessons, but also at times the proper chants and Mass ordinary being authorized in a hieratic vernacular. (And for this purpose, let us assume that the principal parish Mass would be required to be fully in Latin, so the totally-Latin liturgy would still play a truly primary role in the Church’s liturgical life.)
       Don’t misunderstand me: I am not saying that the introduction of the vernacular is “necessary” from a liturgical standpoint. But I am haunted by Dobszay’s point that a moderate introduction of the occasional hieratic vernacular would serve to de-ghettoize the classical Roman liturgy and thereby increase its appeal. In this way, the ancient heritage would enter the ecclesial mainstream instead of remaining on the relative margins.
       To put it bluntly: is an unbending adherence to the exclusive use of Latin semper et ubique in the liturgy ultimately wise, if the price to pay is that the authentic tradition (form and content) remains a marginalized minority? Would not a moderate use of a hieratic vernacular be a small price to pay for the greater expansion of the Roman heritage? Is this not a legitimate instance of the perfect being the enemy of the good? Moderate vernacular usage for the lessons seems to be one of those things that, for better or worse, we are stuck with permanently, and I worry that we might lose too many lives battling on this hill while losing the mountain.

I remain unconvinced. Just as Marshall McLuhan maintained that bringing microphones into churches would undermine the numinous character of the liturgy (and how right he was), I am equally convinced that de-Latinization would spell the end of the Roman rite in its distinctive character, as much as abolishing icons would do to the Byzantine liturgy. Here I would like to offer some reasons why I think this.

A Fundamental Argument
Among the Eastern Christian churches, we find considerable linguistic diversity, which has led in some cases to the development of sacral languages and in others to almost total vernacularization. In the Western church, however, we find an impressive and almost monolithic unity: Latin is the language par excellence for all Western rites and uses.

Now, this monumental linguistic unity is either the work of Divine Providence and of the Holy Spirit, or a huge error, deviation, and problem to be overcome. I maintain that the only acceptable Roman Catholic mentality is the former; the latter leads necessarily to the overthrowing of all liturgical standards: if not even Latin is safe, then neither is ad orientem, communion under one kind, plainchant and polyphony, a proleptic Offertory, etc.

And, in point of fact, this is exactly what we saw in the liturgical reform, whose proponents and implementers tended to reject all of those so-called “medieval” features (even though many are properly ancient).

An Aesthetic Argument
Martin Mosebach maintains that the use of Latin is primarily responsible for the creation of a sacral atmosphere from start to finish in the traditional Mass. The moment it begins, one knows one is in a different “place,” one is moving on a different level; the workaday world has been left behind, and one is entering the divine domain. The vernacular, no matter how well translated, or how archaic in sound, does not have this requisite otherness. As Michael Fiedrowicz says, the Latin reminds us that we are seeking something else in worship than what we find everywhere else.

As for alternating between Latin and vernacular, it is no more coherent than a man with a tuxedo jacket on top and blue jeans on the bottom.

A Pastoral Argument
There is already an insidious tendency for Catholics to splinter into factions the moment someone decides to move the flowers above the altar one inch to the left or the right. We are all rather high-strung at this point, and, in addition to the need to relax a bit, we also need to supply as few incentives for division as possible. Changing the language that has been part and parcel of the liturgy for over 1,600 years would be a nuclear bomb in that regard: instantly, there would be all-Latin communities and mixed-language communities. Indeed, we already have that, because of the “two forms”; the last thing we need is further balkanization.

Moreover, use of the vernacular, so far from uniting people who speak a common language, instantly segregates the faithful into categories. Some would prefer an archaic translation such as the Douay-Rheims; others would agitate for the Revised Standard Version or (God forbid) the New American Bible. And if the Vatican or the USCCB got involved, it would all go south in five minutes. With Latin, no one can complain: we are using the language that all the saints before us prayed with. Each person can then pick up whatever hand missal suits him best.

One difficulty with modern languages is that they do not possess sufficient “alterity” and “elevation” to serve as liturgical languages. The traditional Anglicans and the Ordinariates use Elizabethan English, which I’m sure sounded normal back in Shakespeare’s day but now sounds formal, elevated, and a little strange. To have liturgy in the vernacular requires a sacral register, which, it seems, today’s Church is incapable of producing. Moreover, the Byzantine Divine Liturgy is not a good example because it achieves its effects in a totally different way, through waves and waves of poetic speech and singing. The Roman liturgy is austere and slender; much of its affective power depends on Latin, silence, and chant—the three elements of the sonic iconostasis.

Additional Theological Arguments
In general, we overestimate the primacy of verbal comprehension. It is often non-verbal signs and behaviors that affect us more deeply. I think this is above all true for acquiring the spirit of reverence and prayer at liturgy.

As people know from experience, there are many ways to participate in a Latin liturgy. It takes many years to grasp it—which is appropriate for the greatest mystery on earth. One starts with simple steps, like a “child’s missal,” and eventually works up to an adult’s missal with all the translations—and finally, one knows it so well that one can put aside the missal and simply yield oneself to the liturgy. This can happen more easily with the Tridentine rite because it has fewer options and fewer texts that become familiar over time. It takes a long time to enter fully into it, and it ought to be this way.

One learns to swim by starting in the shallow end and eventually venturing into the deep end. The traditional liturgy in its richness of symbolism, its pageantry of ceremony, its beautiful musical patrimony, offers many “handles” to grab on to. I remember my son being fascinating with the coordinated movements of the servers in their sacred choreography. Another little boy I know loves watching the thurifer handle the thurible, with the hot coals and clouds of smoke. One does not have to be a genius to appreciate the Latin Mass; one simply has to use the eyes in one’s head, the ears, the nostrils; one watches, listens, ponders, and prays. The best thing we can do at Mass is to pray earnestly; this is worth more than any amount of rational understanding.

The sacral language of the Mass, its totally untranslatable poetry, deserves to be left intact. We laity have many ways of accessing its meaning, including: learning Latin; following in a missal (where the translation doesn’t have to bear the weight of being the actual rite that is offered); or just watching and absorbing and praying in our own words inspired by the liturgy.

The key is letting the rich ceremonies of the Mass themselves be the first message it conveys. The text is not absolute and exclusive, nor is it primary from the point of view of lay participation. It is something one grows into over time. We are so impatient nowadays: we want an “instant fix.” Well, it took God several thousand years to prepare humanity for the Incarnation, and it took him 1,500 years to bring the Roman rite to perfection among us. He’s apparently not in a huge rush to get things over and done with, and neither should we be. Certainly, our lives are short, but not usually so short that we cannot acquire the habit proper to the rite.

C. du Plessis d’Argentré writes:

It is perfectly clear that the benefit of the liturgical prayer consists not only in the understanding of the words; it is a dangerous error to think that vocal prayer serves only to educate the intellect. On the contrary, such prayer mainly contributes to inflame the affections, so that the worshipper, rising up to God with a pious and devout heart, will be edified, and, obtaining his wishes, he will not be frustrated in his intentions; and in addition, the intellect acquires illumination together with other useful or necessary things, all of which benefits are far more abundant than the understanding of the words alone, which does not achieve much advantage without the arousal of the affection for God. (Collectio iudiciorum de novis erroribus II [Paris: Cailleau, 1728], 62, quoted in Guéranger, Institutions liturgiques III, 164)


Musical Inheritance
With all due respect to the great Prof. Dobszay, vernacular plainchant is an ugly duckling compared to its Latin paradigm. It can be done decently, but it remains rather awkward. No two languages function the same, and the peculiar sound of each is very different. Latin and chant are like a body-soul composite. Again, Byzantine chant tends to work better, because—and I intend no offense to our Eastern brethren—it is generally quite a bit simpler and plainer than Gregorian chant. It is more in the nature of harmonized psalm tones that can suit any language. Latin chant, on the other hand, is a highly refined musical form that grew up for a thousand years with its Latin text.

Composer Mark Nowakowski observed in an interview:

Latin is a language I keep returning to in my writing not only because it is still the Church’s language, but also because it is a singularly beautiful language. It is inherently sing-able and seems to have the necessary structure and gravitas to bear the full weight of both liturgical solemnity and spiritual contemplation. Let’s be honest: “Lamb of God, you take away the sins of the world” is just not as beautiful or sing-able as “Agnus Dei, qui tollis peccata mundi…” – and we have an entire failed post-conciliar repertoire to prove it. And now that composers are in an age where English settings are still the Church standard, they mostly want to compose in Latin! That should speak for itself.

False Centrality
Every time someone proposes translating the Latin Mass, they immediately add: “But of course the principal Mass would remain in Latin,” or “Naturally, for those who love Latin, it would still be available.”

I think this is a false hope.

However much better an usus antiquior in the vernacular would be than an usus recentior in Latin, ultimately I fear that such a move would begin a slow-motion marginalization of Latin and chant, with almost no hope of their recover. Once people are convinced that they “ought” to understand this or that part of the liturgy immediately, good luck trying to have a solemn Mass where that’s not the operative assumption. These treasures would become like animal or plant species that are driven out of their native environment by more aggressive foreign organisms introduced into the ecosystem.

Perhaps the most decisive observation is that the Latin texts have a dense web of intraliturgical and extraliturgical associations that no vernacular, regardless of its refinement, could carry—at least not without having its own arc of 2,000 years of development. I do not wish to sound like I am defending a sort of “magical” property of Latin, but I do think it’s worth pondering why exorcists consistently report more success when they use the old rites in Latin.

Priorities
Finally, can we not say that a religion that took itself seriously would ask its members to study it seriously? Serious Jews ask their boys to learn Hebrew; serious Moslems ask them to learn classical Arabic; the Copts figure out Egyptian; the Russians must get down some Slavonic; and so forth. The Catholic Church will become stronger again when it actually demands more of its people than it currently does (the realm of fasting is perhaps the most obvious place to begin).

There are thousands of Catholic schools that could be teaching Latin. They do not, because it has been deemed of little or no worth. This ignorance, skepticism, or rejection of our tradition is the real problem; this is the attitude that has to change. Otherwise, we are trying to cram a beautiful liturgy into people who could care less whether it is high, low, right, wrong, old, new, Latin, or English.

In short: Latin’s not some outlying hill, remote from the fortress, but part of the foundation rock in the mountain fastness we are defending.

Tuesday, May 06, 2025

An Illuminated Manuscript of St John’s Apocalypse

In honor of the feast of St John at the Latin Gate, here is a very beautiful illuminated manuscript which I stumbled across on the website of the Bibliothèque national de France (Département des Manuscrits, Néerlandais 3), made 1400. It contains the book of the Apocalypse in a Flemish translation, with an elaborately decorated page before each chapter; these illustrations were done by two different anonymous artists.  

The first decorated page shows episodes from the apocryphal acts of St John: preaching outside a church; the baptism of a follower named Drusiana; his trial before a Roman proconsul; his martyrdom by being thrown in a pot of boiling oil, the event which is commemorated in today’s feast; his deportation to the Greek island of Patmos, where he receives the visions recorded in the Apocalypse.

At the lower left, St John, now at the island, begins writing at the angel’s instruction; the visions of chapter one of the son of man amid the seven candlesticks, and the seven churches with their respective angels standing in their doorways.

Chapter 2, the letters of the churches of Ephesus (upper left), Smyrna (lower left), Pergamon (upper right) and Thyatira (lower right). The figures near each church refer to the specific content of each letters, as for example the figure in red in the middle left, who represents the leader of the “Nicolaites”, which Ephesus is praised for rejecting.

Chapter 3, the letters to Sardis, Philadelphia and Laodicia.
Chapter 4, the vision of God the Father on His throne; in this and the following image, the figures of the twenty-four elders are merged into the blue background.
Chapter 5, the Lamb before the throne, with the symbolic animals of the four evangelists.

Gregorian Chant Courses This Summer at Clear Creek Abbey

Clear Creek Abbey in northwest Oklahoma (diocese of Tulsa: located at 5804 W Monastery Road in Hulbert) will once again be hosting a week-long instruction in Gregorian chant, based on the course called Laus in Ecclesia, from Monday, July 14, to Friday, July 18. The course will be offered at three different levels of instruction:

1) Gregorian initiation (Laus in Ecclesia level 1), taking the complete beginner or amateur in Gregorian chant to the level of being able to sing the chant with a certain competence.
2) Psalmody and the Divine Office (Laus in Ecclesia, level 2) building on the first degree, sharpening skills in reading notation, and rhythm, with an emphasis on the singing of the Divine Office in Gregorian chant.
3) Direction (Laus in Ecclesia, level 3), bringing all the previous levels to completion: this level is aimed primarily at directors of scholas, with a concentration on chironomy (direction) and the interpretation of bigger pieces.
More information and the link for registration can be found at the Clear Creek Abbey website: https://clearcreekmonks.org/learnchant/.

Monday, May 05, 2025

The Feast of St Vincent Ferrer

The feast of St Vincent Ferrer was traditionally assigned to the day of his death, April 5th, but I say “assigned to” instead of “kept on” advisedly; that date falls within either Holy Week or Easter week so often that its was either translated or omitted more than it was celebrated on its proper day. [1] For this reason, in 2001 the Dominicans moved him to today; on the general calendar of the Roman Rite, and in the Dominican Rite, he remains on his traditional day.

St Vincent Ferrer and his namesake, St Vincent the Martyr, by Miquel Joan Porta (1544–1616), formerly in the Jesuit house at Valencia, now in the Museu de Belles Arts de València. (Public domain image from Wikimedia Commons, by Quinok.) The banderole behind St Vincent Ferrer contains the words of Apocalypse 14, 7, “Fear the Lord, and give him honour, because the hour of his judgment is come”, for reasons that are explained below.
St Vincent was born in the Spanish city of Valencia in 1350, the descendent of an Englishman or Scot who was knighted after fighting for the reconquest of that city in 1238. After completing his philosophical training at the age of 14, he entered the Dominicans at 17, and was sent to one of the order’s most important houses of studies at Barcelona. After a brief period teaching at Lerida, and the writing of two well-regarded philosophical treatises, he returned to Barcelona for further studies, and was allowed to preach, although still only a deacon. It was here that he performed one of his earliest miracles; the city was then suffering from a famine, but Vincent predicted in the course of a sermon that food would arrive by ship that very day to relieve it. His prediction came true, but also earned him a year-long transfer by his nervous superiors to the order’s house at Toulouse.

Upon his return, he began the association with Cardinal Pedro de Luna which would mark the rest of his extraordinary life almost as much as his teaching and preaching, or his countless miracles and conversions. The year that he went to France, 1377, was the same year the Pope permanently left it, after almost 70 years of Papal residence in the city of Avignon. Gregory XI was finally persuaded to end the scandal of the Pope himself being the most prominent absentee bishop in Christendom, and return to Rome, largely through the influence of another Dominican, St Catherine of Siena. However, he died only fourteen months later.

St Catherine Escorts Pope Gregory XI in his Return to Rome, by Giorgio Vasari, 1573
During the following conclave, a crowd of Romans surrounded the building where the cardinals had gathered, loudly chanting “We want a Roman, or at least an Italian.” In the midst of this and various other disorders, and a conclave split between French and Italian factions, it was Cardinal de Luna, a Spaniard, who proposed as a candidate the archbishop of Bari, Bartolomeo Prignano, known to all as a saintly and learned man. He was thus elected as Pope Urban VI on April 8, 1378, the last Pope to be chosen from outside the College of Cardinals.

Almost immediately upon his election, however, the new Pope underwent a change in behavior so violent, and marked by such an astonishing lack of prudence and charity, that many believed his election had somehow driven him mad. St Catherine herself wrote to him, urging him to behave in a manner more becoming the Father of Christendom. To give a very simple example, he would (not without reason, to be sure) violently upbraid the cardinals for their venality and the luxury of their lives and retinues, yet he elevated four of his own nephews to the cardinalate. [2]

Within a few short months, he had so thoroughly alienated the majority of the cardinals that they withdrew to the town of Fondi, 60 miles southeast of Rome, having persuaded themselves that they had elected Urban not merely in the midst of the unruly Roman crowd, but in fear of it, thus rendering the election invalid. Having declared the election null, they proceeded to choose one of their own number, Robert of Geneva, to replace him, the beginning of the Great Schism of the West. After a failed attempt to seize control of Rome militarily, the new Pope, calling himself Clement VII, withdrew to France, taking up residence in the palace in Avignon recently vacated by Gregory XI. Before long, the entire Western Church was divided in its allegiance; not only were there two blocks of the major states, but within individual religious orders (including the Dominicans), and indeed, within many individual houses, there was one party that backed the claim of Urban, and another that of Clement.

The cosmatesque throne of the church of St Peter in Fondi, on which Clement VII was crowned.
It is tempting to imagine that a person of such sanctity and stature as St Catherine, renowned inter alia as a peacemaker amid the endless factional strife of the Italian cities, might have been able to bring about a reconciliation of this awful state of things; unfortunately, she died only a year and half into the schism. On the Roman side, Urban VI was succeeded in 1389 by a cardinal of his own creation, who took the name Boniface IX; the latter was consecrated by one of Urban’s cardinal-nephews, and was such a flagrant simoniac that his Papal name has never been used again. Boniface was followed in due time by Innocent VII and Gregory XII, while on the Avignon side, Clement VII died in 1394, and was succeeded by none other than Cardinal Pedro de Luna, who called himself Benedict XIII.

It is difficult to make the case that the cardinals gathered at Fondi were acting entirely in good faith, especially considering that in the earlier conclave, both Robert of Geneva and Pedro de Luna had withdrawn themselves from consideration in favor of Cardinal Prignano. Buyer’s remorse is simply not a principle in canon law. But there can be no doubt that in the years that followed, many partisans of both sides did act in the sincere conviction that their Pope was the true one. And the Avignon side could boast that one of its staunchest supporters was none other than the great preacher and miracle-worker Vincent Ferrer. [3]

Even as a member of Cardinal de Luna’s household, St Vincent continued his work as a preacher and teacher; he was confessor to the Queen of Aragon, and numbered among his converts a prominent rabbi named Solomon ha-Levi, who took the baptismal name Paul (for obvious reasons), and eventually became archbishop of Burgos. On the election of his patron as Pope in the Avignon line, he was called to the court, where he continued as he had before, refusing many offers of bishoprics and the cardinalate, but all the while steadfastly defending Benedict’s cause.
The Preaching of St Vincent Ferrer, predella of the polyptych by Giovanni Bellini (ca. 1430-1516) dedicated to the Saint in the Dominican church of Ss John and Paul in Venice. (Public domain image from Wikimedia Commons.)
In 1399, St Vincent obtained permission to leave the court, and thus began a twenty-year long career of itinerant preaching throughout Western Europe. In an era when many religious orders were relaxing their discipline in the hope of filling houses half-emptied or more by the Black Death, he lived very much in the spirit of the original Dominicans whose austerity had made such an impression in the 13th century. Travelling on foot, he visited many different parts of Spain, southern France, northern Italy and Switzerland, and everywhere he went, vast crowds would gather to hear him. The same miracles are attested of him that were later done by the patron Saint of missionaries, Francis Xavier, namely, that when he preached, his voice would carry to enormous distances, and he was understood simultaneously by groups of people who spoke several different languages. A company sprang up who followed him from place to place, at times numbering in the thousands, including several priests who assisted him in hearing confessions, and in forming the choir with which he sang the Mass and Divine Office every day. When he moved on, some of “Master Vincent’s Penitents”, as they were called, would often remain behind to consolidate the good work achieved by his mission.

The Roman Breviary states of him that “when the seamless garment of the Church was rent by a terrible schism, he labored greatly that it should be united again, and stay so,” delicately not mentioning that he never ceased from his conviction that the Popes of the Avignon line were in the right. In the meantime, the climate of opinion had shifted throughout the Church towards what was then called the “via cessionis – the way of yielding”, meaning that the only way to resolve the schism was for both claimants to resign. The Roman Pope, Gregory XII, was willing to do so, and did in fact abdicate the Papacy in 1415, the last such event until 2013.

Benedict XIII, however, remained obdurate, and would not yield even at the entreaties of his old and honored friend Vincent. On Epiphany of 1416, in the presence of King Ferdinand of Castile and Aragon, the Saint therefore preached that although Benedict was indeed the rightful Pope, his obstinacy had made the healing of the schism impossible, and that the faithful might therefore justly withdraw their allegiance to him; this proved the death blow to Benedict’s cause. St Vincent did not go to the Council of Constance, which finally settled the matter once and for all, but when it was over, Jean Gerson, the chancellor of the University of Paris (an institution which had played a leading role in the controversy), wrote to him that “But for you, the reunion could never have been achieved.”

The castle of Peñiscola, 80 miles to the north of Valencia on the Spanish coast. This castle had been the property of Pedro de Luna’s family, and it was here that he withdrew after being chased out of Avignon, deposed by the Council of Constance, and disavowed by all but a handful of supporters. He maintained to the end that he was always the legitimate Pope, and compared his castle to Noah’s Ark, which only had 8 people in it. In Spanish, he is often called “El Papa Luna” from his last name, a word which is also the origin of “lunatic.” (CC BY 3.0 image from Wikimedia Commons by ホセ・マヌエル)
Having thus seen the end of the great crisis of the schism, St Vincent spent the last years of his life continuing his apostolic labors in northern France. He died on the Wednesday of Passion Week, 1419, at Vannes in Brittany, where his relics are still kept in the cathedral. Pope Callixtus III Borgia, also a native of Valencia, whose election as Pope he had prophesied, canonized him in 1455, the fourth Dominican to be declared a Saint. (St Catherine followed very shortly thereafter, canonized by Callixtus’ successor Pius II, the former bishop of her native city, in 1461.)

In his Office in the Dominican Rite, one stanza of the hymn for Vespers says “You were indeed that other angel who flew through the midst of heaven, proclaiming to all peoples and tongues the hour of the Judge.” This refers to a famous episode in his career that took place at Salamanca in Spain, when he declared himself to be the angel of whom St John speaks in Apocalypse 14, 6: “And I saw another angel flying through the midst of heaven, having the eternal Gospel, to preach unto them that sit upon the earth, and over every nation, and tribe, and tongue, and people.”

As told in Butler’s Lives of the Saints, “As some of his hearers began to protest, he summoned the bearers who were carrying a dead woman to her burial and adjured the corpse to testify to the truth of his words. The body was seen to revive for a moment to give the confirmation required, and then to close its eyes once more in death. It is almost unnecessary to add that the Saint laid no claim to the nature of a celestial being, but only to the angelic office of a messenger or herald—believing, as he did, that he was the instrument chosen by God to announce the impending end of the world.” The impending end of the world was indeed a favorite topic of St Vincent in his preaching, and this was perfectly reasonable, given the state of things in the Church in his time, but we would do well to remember that that was over six hundred years ago.

A statue of St Vincent as the Angel of the Apocalypse, in the Dominican convent in Buenos Aires, Argentina (Public domain image from Wikimedia Commons.)
[1] In the 376 years between the institution of the Gregorian Calendar (1582) and the liturgical reform of 1960, while the feast of St Vincent still enjoyed the right of transference on the Dominican calendar, it was moved 201 times because of its concurrence with Passion Sunday, Holy Week or Easter week. After the right of transference was withdrawn from his rank of feast, in the forty-one years from 1960-2000 inclusive, it was omitted 24 times, outside of those places where he is honored as a principal patron.

[2] By comparison, the first two Medici Popes, whose family name has (rather unfairly) become a by-word for the corruption and venality of their era, during their combined reign of nearly 20 years, each made only one member of the family a cardinal.

[3] The Popes of the Avignon line were also recognized by St Colette, who was able to effect an important and long-lasting reform of the Poor Clares with the constant support of Benedict XIII, and by Bl. Peter of Luxemburg, who was made bishop of Metz in France and a cardinal by Clement VII.

Sunday, May 04, 2025

Good Shepherd Sunday 2025

Dearest brethren, Christ suffered for us, leaving you an example that you should follow His steps; Who did no sin, neither was guile found in His mouth; Who, when He was reviled, did not revile. When He suffered, he threatened not, but delivered Himself to him that judged Him unjustly; Who His own self bore our sins in His body upon the tree: that we, being dead to sins, should live to justice: by Whose stripes you were healed. For you were as sheep going astray, but you are now converted to the shepherd and bishop of your souls. (1 Peter 2, 21-15, the Epistle of Good Shepherd Sunday.)

The base of the pulpit in the church of St John in Mechlin, Belgium, by Theodore Verhagen, 1736-41 

Saturday, May 03, 2025

The Gospel of Nicodemus in the Liturgy of Eastertide

By “the Gospel of Nicodemus”, I mean not the apocryphal gospel of that title, but the passage of St John’s Gospel in which Christ speaks to Nicodemus, chapter 3, verses 1-21. This passage has an interesting and complex history among the readings of the Easter season. For liturgical use, the Roman Rite divides it into two parts, the second of which begins at one of the most famous verses in all the Gospels, John 3, 16, “For God so loved the world that He sent His only Son …”; the first part anciently included verse 16, but was later cut back to end at 15.

Christ and Nicodemus, by Fritz van Uhde, ca. 1886
The oldest surviving Roman lectionary, the “Comes Romanus” of Wurzburg, was written around 700 A.D, and represents the liturgy of approximately 50-100 years earlier, the period just after St Gregory the Great; in it, John 3, 1-16 is assigned to be read twice in Eastertide. The first occasion is on the Pascha annotinum, the anniversary of the previous year’s Easter and baptism of the catechumens. The second is the Octave Day of Pentecost, the observance of which is, of course, much older than the feast of the Holy Trinity which we now keep on that Sunday.

In his Treatises on the Gospel of St John (11.3), St Augustine say that “this Nicodemus was from among those who had believed in (Christ’s) name, seeing the signs and wonders which He did” at the end of the previous chapter. (2, 23) “Now in this Nicodemus, let us consider why Jesus did not yet entrust Himself to them. ‘Jesus answered, and said to him: Amen, amen I say to thee, unless a man be born again, he cannot see the kingdom of God.’ (John 3, 3) Therefore, Jesus entrusts Himself to those who have been born again. … Such are all the catechumens: they already believe in the name of Christ, but Jesus does not entrust himself to them. If we shall say to the catechumen, ‘Do you believe in Christ?’ he answers, ‘I believe’, and signs himself; he already bears the Cross of Christ on his forehead.”

These words refer to the very ancient custom, still a part of the rites of Baptism to this very day, by which the catechumens were signed on their foreheads with the Cross. Augustine here follows his teacher St Ambrose, who says in his book On the mysteries, “The catechumen also believes in the Cross of the Lord Jesus, by which he is also signed: but unless he shall be baptized in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit, he cannot receive forgiveness of sins, nor take in the gift of spiritual grace.” (chapter 4)

Augustine then says (11.4), “Let us ask (the catechumen), ‘Do you eat the flesh of the Son of man, and drink (His) blood?’ He does not know what we are saying, because Jesus has not entrusted Himself to him.” The fact that Nicodemus first came to Christ at night (John 3, 2) also refers to his status as a catechumen. “Those who are born from water and the Spirit (John 3, 5), what do they hear from the Apostle? ‘For you were heretofore darkness, but now light in the Lord. Walk then as children of the light.’ (Eph. 5, 8) and again, ‘Let us who are of the day be sober.’ (1 Thess. 5, 8) Those then who have been reborn, were of the night, and are of the day; they were darkness, and are light. Jesus already entrusts Himself to them, and they do not come to Jesus at night as Nicodemus did…”.

Following this interpretation, the Gospel is perfectly suited for the celebration of the Pascha annotinum, in which the catechumens commemorated the day when Christ first entrusted Himself to them in both Baptism and the Eucharist.

Two leaves of a 1491 Missal according to the Use of Passau (Germany). The Mass for the Octave Day of Pentecost begins towards the bottom of the first column on the left, with the rubric “everything as on the feast, except the Epistle and Gospel.”
On the Octave Day of Pentecost, this Gospel is repeated, although the Wurzburg manuscript here attests to a custom of the Roman Rite observed in northern Europe, but not in Rome itself. Already in very ancient times, baptisms were done on Pentecost as on Easter; this is attested in a letter of Pope St Siricius (384-399) to Himerius, bishop of Tarragon in Spain (cap. 2), and one of Pope St Leo the Great (440-461), in which he exhorts the bishops of Sicily to follow the Church’s custom and the example of the Apostle Peter, who baptized three thousand persons on Pentecost day. (Epist. 16) The Gospel of the vigil of Pentecost, John 14, 15-21, is continued on the feast itself with verses 23-31, both passages referring to the sending of the Holy Spirit. Since Baptism was traditionally administered on Pentecost, the reading of the Nicodemus Gospel on the Octave, a foundational text for the Church’s understanding of that Sacrament, expresses what an important aspect of the feast this really was.

This point is made even more clearly by the Ambrosian rite. The Church of Milan assigns two Masses to the Easter vigil and each day of Easter week, one “of the solemnity”, and a second “for the (newly) baptized”; the latter form a final set of lessons for the catechumens who have just been received into the Church. At the Easter vigil Mass “for the baptized”, the Nicodemus Gospel is read, ending at verse 13. The first prayer of this Mass begins with a citation of it: “O God, who lay open the entrance of the heavenly kingdom to those reborn from water and the Holy Spirit, increase upon Thy servants the grace which Thou hast given; so that those who have been cleaned from all sins, may not be deprived of the promises.” The Epistle, Acts 2, 29-38, is taken from St Peter’s speech on the first Pentecost, ending with the words, “and you will receive the Holy Spirit.”

On Easter itself, the Gospel of the Mass “for the baptized” is John 7, 37-39.
On the great day of the festivity, the Lord Jesus stood and cried out, saying: If any man thirst, let him come to me, and drink. He that believeth in me, as the scripture saith, Out of his belly shall flow rivers of living water. Now this he said of the Spirit which they should receive, who believed in him: [for as yet the Spirit was not given, because Jesus was not yet glorified.]
However, the words noted here in brackets are omitted at this Mass. Pentecost also has two Masses, and at its Mass “for the baptized”, this Gospel is repeated, but including the final words, further emphasizing the connection between the two great baptismal feasts.

The remains of the Baptistery of Saint John at the Fonts (San Giovanni alle Fonti), the paleo-Christian baptistery of Milan, discovered under the modern Duomo in 1889.
In the second-oldest Roman lectionary, the Comes of Murbach, roughly a century later than the Wurzburg manuscript, the Nicodemus Gospel was added to a third Mass, that of the Finding of the Cross on May 3rd. The origin and gradual diffusion of this feast are not the subject of this article; suffice it to note two points here. The Wurzburg lectionary has neither the Finding of the Cross nor the Exaltation, but both are in Murbach, and are well-established by the end of the Carolingian period. The latest possible date for Easter, (occurring only once per century since the Gregorian Calendar was promulgated in 1582), is April 25, making May 2nd the latest date for Low Sunday. It is probably not a coincidence that the Finding of the Cross was fixed to May 3rd, the first date at which it must occur in Eastertide, but cannot fall within the Easter Octave itself.

The choice of Gospel was certainly determined by the final words, “And as Moses lifted up the serpent in the desert, so must the Son of man be lifted up: That whosoever believeth in him, may not perish; but may have life everlasting.” St Augustine explains, “As those who looked upon the serpent did not perish from the bites of the serpents; so those who with faith look upon the death of Christ are healed from the bites of sins. But they were healed from death to temporal life: here, however, He says “that they may have eternal life.” (Tract. in Joannem, 12, 11)

The Deposition of Christ, by Michelangelo, 1547-53, also known as the “Nicodemus Pietà” from the generally accepted tradition that the hooded figure at the top of the group is Nicodemus, and a self-portrait of the artist. From the Museo dell’Opera del Duomo di Firenze.
It may also have been motivated by the fact that the Pascha annotinum was by this time falling into disuse; Bl. Ildephonse Schuster notes in The Sacramentary (vol. 2, p. 260) that it is only rarely mentioned in Rome after the 8th century. (The Murbach lectionary omits its Epistle.) This is probably due both to the disappearance of the adult catechumenate, and to the fact that it was supposed to be celebrated with the same rites as Easter itself, but will often occur in Lent; it would then have to be transferred, rather obviating the point of it. Assigning John 3, 1-16 to May 3rd may therefore have been intended to maintain its importance by finding it a more prominent position in the liturgy. And indeed, it is as the Gospel of the Finding of the Cross that it will serve as part of the liturgy of Eastertide past the Middle Ages and through the Tridentine period.

Although the Octave of Pentecost is very ancient, Rome and the Papal court never kept the first Sunday after Pentecost as part of it. (This forms another parallel with Easter, since the liturgy of Low Sunday differs in many respects from that of Easter itself.) In northern Europe, as noted above, the Octave Day was a proper octave, repeating the Mass of the feast, but with different readings: Apocalypse 4, 1-10 as the Epistle, and John 3, 1-16 as the Gospel. Both of these traditions were slowly but steadily displaced by the feast of the Trinity, first kept at Liège in the early 10th century; but there was a divergence of customs here as well. When Pope John XXII (1316-34) ordered that Holy Trinity be celebrated throughout the Western Church, he placed it on the Sunday after Pentecost, a custom which became universal after Trent. But even as late as the beginning of the sixteenth century, the Low Countries and several major dioceses in Germany still kept the older Octave Day of Pentecost, and put the feast of the Trinity on the Monday after.

Others compromised between the older custom and the new by keeping the readings from the Octave of Pentecost, but inserting them into the Mass of the Trinity; this was observed at Sarum, and by the medieval Dominicans and Premonstratensians. After the Tridentine reform, however, as part of the general tendency to Romanize liturgical books, this compromise was retained only by the Old Observance Carmelites, leaving the first part of the Nicodemus Gospel only on the Finding of the Cross for all the rest of the Roman Rite.

In 1960, the feast was suppressed from the general Calendar, and relegated to the Missal’s appendix “for some places”, causing the effective disappearance of the crucial Gospel passage from the liturgy of Eastertide. This defect been partially remedied in the Novus Ordo; the reading is broken into two pieces, assigned to the Monday and Tuesday after Low Sunday, but not to any major feast of the season.

A second (and shorter) part of this article will consider the second part of the Gospel of Nicodemus, John 3, 16-21, on Pentecost Monday, June 9th.

Friday, May 02, 2025

“The Angel Cried Out” - The Byzantine Easter Hymn to the Virgin Mary

In the Byzantine Divine Liturgy, there are several places where the priest sings a part of the anaphora out loud, and the choir makes a response, while he continues the anaphora silently. In the liturgy of St John Chrysostom, which is by far the more commonly used of the two anaphoras, the priest commemorates the Saints after the consecration and epiclesis, praying in silence “Again we offer unto Thee this rational service for them that in faith have gone to their rest before us: the Forefathers, Fathers, Patriarchs, Prophets, Apostles, Preachers, Evangelists, Martyrs, Confessors, Ascetics, and for every righteous spirit in faith made perfect.” He then sings out loud, “Especially for our most holy, immaculate, blessed-above-all and glorious Lady, the Mother of God, and ever-Virgin Mary,” and the choir sings a hymn to the Virgin, which in the Easter season reads as follows.

The Angel cried out to Her that is full of grace: “Hail, o holy Virgin, and again will I say ‘Hail!’ Thy Son is risen from the tomb on the third day, and has overthrown death; o people, rejoice. Be enlightened, be enlightened, o new Jerusalem, for the glory of the Lord is risen upon thee. Rejoice and be glad, o Sion; and Thou, o Holy Mother of God, exult in the resurrection of Thy Son!” (The words in italics are missing in the Greek version.)

Not surprisingly, this beautiful text has inspired some of the best efforts of composers who have written for the Byzantine Rite, such as this version by the Ukrainian composer Dmitro Bortniansky (1751-1825).

Аггел вопїѧше благодатнѣй: чистаѧ Дѣво, радуйсѧ! и паки реку: радуйсѧ! Твой Сынъ воскресе тридневенъ ωт гроба, и мертвыѧ воздвигнувый: людїе веселитесѧ! Свѣтисѧ, свѣтисѧ, новый Іерусалиме! слава бо Господнѧ на тебѣ возсїѧ: ликуй нынѣ и веселисѧ, Сїωне! Ты же чистаѧ, красуйсѧ, Богородице, ω востанїи рождества Твоегω.

Here is another very commonly used version in Church Slavonic (starts at 0:15):

The same setting in English, a perfect example of how to use the vernacular without destroying the musical patrimony of a rite.
And one in Greek (even though the title is given in Slavonic):
Ὁ Ἄγγελος ἐβόα τῇ Κεχαριτωμένῃ· Ἁγνὴ Παρθένε, χαῖρε, καί πάλιν ἐρῶ, χαῖρε· ὁ σὸς Υἱὸς ἀνέστη τριήμερος ἐκ τάφου. Φωτίζου, φωτίζου, ἡ νέα Ἱερουσαλήμ, ἡ γὰρ δόξα Κυρίου ἐπὶ σὲ ἀνέτειλε· χόρευε νῦν, καὶ ἀγάλλου Σιών. Σὺ δὲ ἁγνή, τέρπου, Θεοτόκε, ἐν τῇ ἐγέρσει τοῦ τόκου σου.
(You can discover many more versions yourself by putting the words “The Angel Cried”, “ Ὁ ῎Αγγελος ἐβόα ” or “Ангел вопияше” as the search criterion on YouTube.)

The Lavabo

Lost in Translation #124

After the incensation, the priest goes to the Epistle side and washes his hands, reciting Psalm 25, 6-12:

Lavábo inter innocentes manus meas: et circúmdabo altáre tuum, Dómine.
Ut audiam vocem laudis: et enarrem universa mirabilia tua.
Dómine, dilexi decórem domus tuae: et locum habitatiónis gloriae tuae.
Ne perdas cum impiis, Deus, ánimam meam: et cum viris sánguinum vitam meam.
In quorum mánibus iniquitátes sunt: déxtera eórum repléta est munéribus.
Ego autem in innocentia mea ingressus sum: rédime me, et miserére mei.
Pes meus stetit in directo: in ecclesiis benedícam te, Dómine.
Gloria Patri et Filio et Spirítui Sancto.
Sicut erat in principio et nunc et semper et in saecula saeculórum. Amen.
Which the Douay Rheims translates as:
I will wash my hands among the innocent: and I will compass Thine altar, O Lord.
That I may hear the voice of praise: and tell of all Thy wondrous works.
I have loved, O Lord, the beauty of Thy house and the place where Thy glory dwelleth.
Take not away my soul, O God, with the wicked: nor my life with blood–thirsty men.
In whose hands are iniquities; their right hand is filled with gifts.
But I have walked in my innocence: redeem me, and have mercy on me.
My foot hath stood in the direct way; in the churches I will bless Thee, O Lord.
Glory be to the Father and to the Son and to the Holy Ghost.
As it was in the beginning, is now, and ever shall be, world without end.
The action is not as self-explanatory as one might expect. The priest washes his hands before vesting in the sacristy, and he has not touched anything dirty between then and now. That said, it may be that his hands may have become soiled through handing the thurible. William Durandus, for example, writes that in his day the priest also washed his hands after the second incensation (the Gospel). [Rationale, 4, 38]

Even if there is a practical reason for the ritual, the symbolic explanation is the one that has commanded the most attention among liturgical commentators. But if the lavabo is only for symbolic reasons, we may again wonder why it takes place here and not at the beginning of the Offertory Rite, before the priest handles the bread and wine.
In my opinion, there are two possibilities. The first is that from this point forward, the priest will be touching consecrated bread and consecrated wine.
By “consecrated,” I do not mean transubstantiated, but set apart for sacred use. When the priest first touched the paten containing the host, it was a mere piece of bread; when he finished offering it to God, it was a host reserved exclusively for the divine.
The second explanation is that the priest washes his hands in anticipation of praying the Canon, which, as we will see in a later post, is analogous to entering into the Holy of Holies. And Aaron, the brother of Moses, was instructed to bathe before he entered the Holy of Holies. [Lev. 16; Ex. 30, 17-21]
Like the other scriptural allusions and citations in the Roman Mass, this psalm fragment is well chosen for the occasion. The priest has just finished “compassing” the altar with incense, (verse 1) and now he is washing his hands among the innocent, namely, the communion of saints about whom he will be praying in the next prayer, the Suscipe Sancta Trinitas. That the statement “I will compass Thine altar, O Lord,” is in the future tense does not pose a problem, for the verb in biblical Hebrew does not inherently express stages of time but the state of an action, specifically whether the action is perfect or imperfect. Here, the verb is in the imperfect tense, which designates an action that is ongoing, incomplete, or habitual. The priest could be saying “I have [just] been compassing the altar,” or he could be saying that he is in the habit of compassing the altar. Either way, close enough.
But the key theme of these psalm verses is innocence, which appears twice in name: the priest washes his hands among the innocent, and he declares that he has walked in innocence. The latter claim, combined with the activity of hand-washing, calls to mind Pontius Pilate’s dramatic act of washing his hands of the blood of the innocent Jesus Christ. (see Mt. 27, 24) The psalmist, by contrast, wishes to be free not of innocent blood but of blood-thirsty men, or more literally, men of blood (vires sanguinum). Pilate tried in vain to cleanse himself of the guilt of delivering Jesus to death, while the psalmist and the priest themselves seek to be delivered from wicked men. Curiously, although the psalmist asks for redemption and mercy (v. 11), he does not ask for forgiveness, even though ritual washing is historically tied to cleansing from sin. Perhaps the very act itself is an implicit petition for absolution.
Finally, reference is made to the beauty of God’s house and to the speaker’s blessing of God in the churches (the Greek ekklesia and the Latin ecclesia, the equivalent of our word “church,” is an assembly or congregation, but since that congregation is currently gathered near the priest in the nave, it is acceptable to think of “churches” here as signifying the Christian “worship space”). The priest has been in church for a while now, but as he is about to enter the Holy of Holies mystically, his thoughts are drawn to his spatial surroundings and the wondrous beauty of God’s house. A terrible beauty is about to be born.

Thursday, May 01, 2025

Spinello Aretino’s Altar of Ss Philip and James

At the very end of the 14th century, the painter Spinello di Luca Spinelli (1350 ca. - 1410 ca.), usually known as Spinello Aretino (from Arezzo) was commissioned to make a frescoed altarpiece for the Dominican church of his native city. The altar itself no longer exists; it was dedicated to the Apostles Philip and James, whose feast is traditionally kept today, along with St Catherine of Alexandria. The fresco, however, remains, and is in relatively good condition. (All images from Wikimedia Commons by Sailko, CC BY 3.0)

The two Apostles in the center.
On the left side, St James, the first bishop of Jerusalem, heals many of the sick.
His martyrdom, in which he was thrown off the roof of the temple, and then, when found to be still alive, hit in the head with a fuller’s club. Spinello or his patrons either did not know, or chose to ignore, the tradition that St James was in his 90s at the time of his martyrdom.
On the opposite side, two episodes of the legendary acts of St Philip, as told in the Golden Legend of Bl. Jacopo de Voragine. Philip is in Scythia, where he is brought by the pagans before a statue of Mars, and ordered to sacrifice to it. A dragon emerges from the statue’s base, killing the son of the priest in charge of the sacrifice, and the two local officials who were keeping the Apostle in chains, while making everyone else present sick with its breath. Philip promises to remedy these ills if the pagans break the statue and replace it with a Cross; when they do, he heals the sick, raises the three dead persons, and banishes the dragon to an uninhabited desert. He then comes to Hierapolis, where he successfully combats the heresy of the Ebionites, establishes the ecclesiastical hierarchy, and is finally crucified by the infidels.

In the upper section, the mystical marriage of St Catherine of Alexandria...
and her martyrdom.

A Medieval Hymn for Eastertide

Many medieval breviaries, including those of the Sarum Use, the Cistercians, Carmelites and Premonstratensians, have a hymn for the Easter season which is not found in the Roman Breviary, Chorus novae Jerusalem by St Fulbert, bishop of Chartres, who died in 1029. The original version of the Latin text, and the English translation of John Mason Neale (1867), are given below. In this recording, the monks of the French abbey of Ligugé sing the revised version which Dom Anselmo Lentini made for the Liturgy of Hours; the differences are explained in the notes below the table.

Chorus novae Jerusalem,
Novam meli dulcedinem,
Promat, colens cum sobriis
Paschale festum gaudiis.
Ye Choirs of New Jerusalem!
To sweet new strains attune your theme;
The while we keep, from care releas’d,
With sober joy our Paschal Feast:
Quo Christus, invictus leo

Dracone surgens obruto
Dum voce viva personat
A morte functos excitat.
When Christ, Who spake the Dragon’s
      doom,
Rose, Victor-Lion, from the tomb,
That while with living voice He cries,
The dead of other years might rise.
Quam devorarat improbus
Praedam refudit tartarus;
Captivitate libera
Jesum sequuntur agmina.
Engorg’d in former years, their prey
Must Death and Hell restore to-day:
And many a captive soul, set free,
With Jesus leaves captivity.
Triumphat ille splendide,
Et dignus amplitudine,
Soli polique patriam
Unam facit rempublicam
Right gloriously He triumphs now,
Worthy to Whom should all things bow;
And, joining heaven and earth again,
Links in one commonweal the twain.
Ipsum canendo supplices,
Regem precemur milites
Ut in suo clarissimo
Nos ordinet palatio.
And we, as these His deeds we sing,
His suppliant soldiers, pray our King,
That in His Palace, bright and vast,
We may keep watch and ward at last.
Esto perenne mentibus
Paschale, Jesu, gaudium,
Et nos renatos gratiae
Tuis triumphis aggrega.

(in the recording, but not in the
original text)
Per saecla metae nescia
Patri supremo gloria,
Honorque sit cum Filio
Et Spiritu Paraclito. Amen.
Long as unending ages run,
To God the Father laud be done;
To God the Son our equal praise,
And God the Holy Ghost, we raise.

A literal translation of the hymn’s first two lines would read “Let the choir of the new Jerusalem bring forth the new sweetness of a song.” The word “meli – song” is the genitive singular form of the Greek word “melos” (as in “melody”); this is unusual in Latin, and the line was emended in various ways. The Premonstratensians, e.g., changed it to “nova melos dulcedine – Let the choir of the new Jerusalem bring forth a song with new sweetness.” Dom Lentini disturbed the original text less by changing it to “Hymni novam dulcedinem – the new sweetness of a hymn.”

This manuscript of the mid-11th century (British Library, Cotton Vesp. d. xii; folio 74v, image cropped), is one of the two oldest with the text of this hymn.
Unfortunately, he then decided to remove altogether the original doxology, which is unique to this hymn, in favor of his re-written version of the double doxology used at most hymns of the Easter season.

Esto perenne mentibus
Paschale, Jesu, gaudium,
Et nos renatos gratiae
Tuis triumphis aggrega.

Jesu, tibi sit gloria,
Qui morte victa praenites,
Cum Patre et almo Spiritu,
In sempiterna saecula.

“Be to our minds the endless joy of Easter, o Jesus, and join us, reborn of grace, to Thy triumphs. – Jesus, to Thee be glory, who shinest forth, death being conquered, with the Father and the Holy Spirit, unto eternal ages.”

It is not difficult to figure out the rationale behind this change, since it appears in other features of the reform as well. As the wise Fr Hunwicke noted two years ago, “The post-Conciliar reforms made much of Easter being 50 days long and being one single Great Day of Feast. They renamed the Sundays as ‘of Easter’ rather than ‘after Easter’, and chucked out the old collects for the Sundays after Easter ... because they didn’t consider them ‘Paschal’ enough.” (The “old” collects to which he refers are all found in the Gelasian Sacramentary in the same places they have in the Missal of St Pius V.) Likewise, St Fulbert’s original conclusion makes no direct reference to Easter. For further reference, see these articles about the supposed restoration of the 50 days of Easter:

http://www.newliturgicalmovement.org/2019/05/fifty-days-of-easter.html http://www.newliturgicalmovement.org/2019/06/fifty-days-of-easter-part-2.html

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